ALPHA BLONDY’S "ELOHIM" AND THE QUEST FOR A NEW CÔTE D’IVOIRE

The present study1 focuses on the message of Alpha Blondy’s album Elohim as an agency of social criticism and change. The objective is to examine the ways in which the lyrics of select songs from the album relate to socioeconomic and political conditions in Côte d’Ivoire and how they contribute to nation building. The paper proposes that Blondy’s vibrant and socially committed music addresses social issues in a way that educates, mobilizes and empowers the great mass of people, especially Ivorians. It translates into a tool that enables all citizens to pursue social and economic justice and enhance the quality of their lives.

Keywords: popular music, Alpha Blondy, criticism, social change, Côte d’Ivoire

Popular Music as Critique of Society

Popular music as performing art not only entertains the audience, but more importantly, it documents, represents, and criticizes society with a view to changing it for the better. It enables artists to communicate with and impact the widest spectrum of society, irrespective of their backgrounds. As a verbal image of social realities, music often speaks of societal problems and proffers possible solutions. It conveys a message that helps people realize their living conditions, and may challenge them to seek positive change. Popular music is used to express people’s experience, their desire for change, and their belief in the possibility of change; it is a compelling medium for articulating collective grievances (Barber 1997: 5-6; Kerr 2002: 311).

Current studies2 and events in some Sub-Saharan African countries have confirmed the significant role of popular music as an agency of social criticism and change (Kirkegaard 2002: 10). Sometimes, however, the sterility of the music and the lack of resources required for positive change make listeners overlook real social ills for the moment and they eventually adjust to the reality of their lives (McNee 2002: 239; Strinati 2004: 61).

The present study focuses on the music of Alpha Blondy3, one of the world’s most famous reggae artists and Côte d'Ivoire’s4 best-known popular singer, as a tool for social criticism and change. Specifically, the objective is to examine the ways in which the lyrics of Blondy’s hit album, Elohim5 address socio-economic and political issues in Côte d’Ivoire as an illustration of the Sub-Saharan African experience, and how they contribute to nation building.

Alpha Blondy: Singing the Beloved Homeland

Like many young Africans in the late seventies, Blondy was greatly influenced by Bob Marley’s reggae6 music. He saw outstanding models to emulate in Marley’s message and style, and wanted his brand of Afro-reggae to become a medium for telling about the struggle of the oppressed.

Blondy’s eight-song debut album released in 1983 as Jah Glory featuring “Brigadier Sabari”7 immediately became a sensation as people marvelled at the young artist’s courage to break a taboo by voicing anti-police sentiments. He later toured Africa, and then recorded his second album Cocody Rock in l984. In 1985, Blondy recorded Apartheid is Nazism, a politically-committed album that calls for the end of apartheid and freedom for all. It was at this point that Blondy made a pilgrimage8 to Tuff Gong Studios in Kingston, Jamaica, where he recorded his phenomenal Jerusalem (1986) with The Wailers. This album advocates the reconciliation of people with divergent faiths and cultures. He draws his arguments and inspiration from his knowledge of the Bible, the Koran and the Torah. In 1998 Blondy recorded Yitzhak Rabin, followed by Elohim (2000), Merci (2002), and Akwaba (2005). His latest album, a collaboration with other celebrated African musicians released in 2006, is entitled No Child Soldiers, and is meant to denounce the use of children as soldiers.

Naming himself an African Rasta, he creates Jah-centered anthems promoting humanistic views of morality, peace, love, justice, hope for the oppressed, and socio-political consciousness, with uncanny catchy melodies and a reggae style skewed by the sinuous modalities of African rhythms (http://www.africanmusic.org - March 11, 2006). In order to reach more people with his message, Blondy sings in many languages: French, English, Baoulé, Dioula—his native language—and sometimes in Arabic, Hebrew, and even Ashanti and Wolof as on the Grand Bassam Zion album (1996), where he sings in six languages.

Some artists raise political and social issues in their songs, but Blondy confronts them in real life and in his music. With his beloved homeland, Côte d’Ivoire, embroiled in socio-political turmoil, Blondy has attempted to act as a peace broker between various factions in the country. The current socio-political crisis in Côte d’Ivoire revolves around a number of issues, including years of political manipulation of ethnicity, heightened inter-communal strife over land, increased xenophobia and political rhetoric, religious strife, differential rate of in-country development, economic recession, and the national appeal for multiparty democracy. The events in various parts of the country, and particularly in Abidjan, show that it is not an ethnic issue, but a crisis of transition from a dictatorship to a democracy (http://www.hrw.org January 27, 2007). The issues that plague Côte d’Ivoire and other African nations are prominently addressed in Elohim, making it an artistic window onto contemporary Africa.

Elohim exhibits an excellent reggae sound mixed with rock, rhythm and blues, and local rhythms, which show strong vocal polyphony and highly complex polyrhythm with different drum lines, and a strongly accentuated offbeat. The tracks blend together well, and the lyrics sung in Dioula, French, and English reflect current socio-economic and political concerns, a cry for justice, and a call for unity. The album features select songs such as “Journalistes en Danger – Démocrature” (Journalists in Danger), “Take No Prisoner” (Canabalistic), “Dictature” (Dictatorship), “La Queue du Diable” (The Devil’s Tail), and “Les Voleurs de la République – Cleptocratie” (The Republic’s Robbers), which constitute a virulent criticism of the contemporary political situation in Côte d’Ivoire and other African countries.

Social Criticism in the Lyrics of Elohim

Blondy uses his music to address political issues as seen in “Journalists in Danger – Démocrature.” This opening track recorded in defence of incarcerated African journalists was dedicated to the late Burkinabe journalist, Norbert Zongo9, a high-profile investigative Burkinabé journalist, who was evidently burnt to death for delving into a murder case in which François Compaoré, the current Burkinabé president’s advisor and brother, was implicated (http://www.rsfcanada.org - January 29, 2007). The track sets the tone by criticizing abuse of power and demands that justice be served regarding journalists who are wrongfully jailed or killed (lines 2-4).

Given the risk of speaking out against the repression of journalists in the Ivorian political environment, Blondy uses Nobert Zongo’s case to criticize what obtains in Côte d’Ivoire. Indeed, during the rules of former President Félix Houphouёt-Boigny11 (1960-1993) and his successor Henri Konan Bédié (1993-1999)12, government legislation was deliberately meant to stifle freedom of expression. The state-run media rarely challenged the decisions and activities of the government. On the other hand, journalists of independent media that criticized the authorities were arbitrarily arrested and detained.

During his short tenure (1999-2000), General Guéï Robert refused to grant freedom of the press to the citizens: armed soldiers raided the offices of independent dailies (Le Jeune Démocrate, Le National, La Référence, Soir Info); many journalists were unlawfully detained, assaulted or tortured, and executives of state-owned media were removed by presidential decrees for their alleged sympathy to the opposition. The situation is not any better under the current regime. Although the government of President Laurent Gbagbo (2000-present) promised to uphold press freedom, several journalists, national and foreign alike, have been arrested, assaulted, detained and intimidated. Several media firms have been suspended and death threats continue to be made. A recent report by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) and Human Rights Watch (HRW) notes that, on 28 November 2006, President Laurent Gbagbo heavy-handedly took over the state media by dismissing the chief executive officers and boards of directors of state-controlled Radio Télévision Ivoirienne and Fraternité-Matin (http://www.freemedia.at - January 29, 2007; http://www.ifex.org - January 29, 2007).

The ironic subtitle “Démocrature” is a combination of ‘democracy’ and ‘dictatorship’, to depict a special political dispensation that does not respect human rights. The term may describe any undemocratic governments that operate harsh political systems and rigidly stratified social structures (Baradat 2000: 79). It is a political dispensation where polling results are rigged to impose unpopular leaders, who are unresponsive to people’s aspirations and operate without meaningful legal restraints. This definition perfectly fits the aforementioned political environment in Côte d’Ivoire where successive governments have shown little or no respect for freedom of expression.

As its sarcastic chorus shows, “Démocrature” is definitely a mockery of democracy: ‘the powerful is always right [. . . ] that’s the way it is [. . . ] that’s the way it works.” It laments the contradiction that the democracy of the powerful always wins. Under this dispensation, there is no room for disagreement or dialogue, and every difference is considered subversive and therefore violently repressed (Mbembe 1985: 14). Moreover, popular protests and uprisings against the regime are often met with the offensive brutality of law-enforcement agents who swiftly silence any opposition.

In Côte d’Ivoire, it does not matter whether presidents assume power by force or through elections. The unbroken thread is the flagrant abuse of personal freedoms. For many years, Houphouët-Boigny and more recently Konan Bédié, Guéï Robert, and Laurent Gbagbo have used political propaganda and force to remain in power. For instance, security forces used indiscriminate and disproportionate repression in the wake of the 1963 coup attempt that led to dismissals, arrests, and detentions of a number of ministers. In addition, the 1970 violent confrontation between the Bété, who had become the most ardent critics of Houphouёt-Boigny’s policies, and the government, culminated in the death of almost a thousand people in the region of Gagnoa. Similarly, after winning re-election in October 1995, Konan Bédié tightened his hold over political life, sending several hundred opposition supporters to jail (http://www.hrw.org - January 27, 2007). Under such circumstances it had become virtually impossible for anyone to challenge autocratic leadership.

“Journalists in Danger” criticizes the violent suppression of human rights through repression, abductions, and unlawful killings of journalists and human rights activists who speak for the voiceless (lines 11-14). The lives of these advocates of social justice are constantly in danger because they are falsely accused of subversion and threatened. The fourth verse of the lyrics of the track notes that heads of states rule the roost, doing as they wish; they do not listen to public opinion, and in many instances, they silence their opponents and eliminate popular leaders (lines 16-23). These lyrics refer to the assassination of former Burkinabe President, Thomas Sankara13 in a bloody coup d’état allegedly organized by Captain Blaise Compaoré his second-in-command. When seventeen years of political and legal procedures at both local and international levels failed to uncover the truth behind the mysterious death of Sankara, his widow Mariam found a powerful advocate in Blondy, who pointed out Sankara’s killer in 2004:

This accusation directly implicates President Blaise Compaoré. Ironically, while denying his involvement in the killing, Compaoré then condemned Sankara as a traitor to popular revolution (Souaré, October 2006).

A related theme is found in the lyrics of “Dictatorship”, which denounces the divide-and-rule tactics that successive Ivorian leaders have used to maintain absolute power. These leaders do not understand that national development can only happen if there are checks and balances, unity and peace, fairness and justice. They use the divide-and-rule strategy to prevent community-oriented social groups from uniting and becoming powerful enough to challenge the status quo. While the people are fighting each other, the corrupt leadership pillages the nation’s resources. Blondy sings:

Blondy clearly abhors politics; he compares it to a dirty game in which “the people are the hostages of politicians, laws are passed to serve the interests of the ruling class, and state institutions—army, supreme court, state media, national assembly, presidency—are their captives” (Akindes 2002: 88). He qualifies politics as ‘heartless’ and dangerous in Jerusalem and reiterates this position in “Dictatorship”. Undemocratic leaders use all means, including intimidation, coercion, brutalities of unbelievable magnitude, and bribery, to make the people less combative, and thus retain power regardless of the people’s discontent (lines 1-4, 9-12). During his long autocratic reign, Houphouët-Boigny dealt cleverly and violently with government officials and intellectuals who were closer to the aspirations of the people. He ruled with the obsession that plots16 were orchestrated against him, a paranoia that spared no one, including his closest associates who held ideas different from his.

The Houphouët-Boigny/Konan Bédié presidencies (1960-1999) also “used divide-and-rule tactics to play ethnic and social groups against each other” (ibid, 89). Although, Côte d’Ivoire under Houphouët-Boigny was seen as a bastion of peace and security, deep rivalry existed among the various ethnic groups17. Ethnic tensions that had been suppressed under Houphouët-Boigny bubbled to the surface under Konan Bédié, especially with the adoption of the concept of Ivoirité18, a xenophobic, anti-Northern and anti-immigration policy, which precipitated the disintegration of social political order19 (http://www.hrw.org - January 27, 2007).

Divide-and-rule tactics account for bloody ethnic and religious conflicts. Also, power struggles that have prevailed for a long time and have left scars remain fresh in the collective memory of Ivorians (Akindes 2002:90). It is thus regrettable that four decades after Côte d’Ivoire gained independence, the hostility is now among various ethnic groups and local communities, and against a leadership that has proved to be incompetent and irresponsible. As Edward Said rightly observes:

The worse effect of this political order is that some citizens are terrorized into exile to avoid the arbitrary use of power and systemic violence. Blondy, however, refuses to go in exile (lines 15-18), which raises a salient question about his attitude to the government. If Blondy’s music is really critical of the political regime, how does he deal with threat and intimidation that impede public debate and criticism? Blondy definitely has strategies for negotiating the ambiguities of his vocation in a way that official acceptance does not soften social criticism in his music (McNee 2002: 239). This issue will be examined in detail later in this study.

“Dictatorship” explicitly criticizes Ivorian politics, particularly the divide-and-rule tactics (lines 1-4), the prevailing disunity (lines 7-8, 19-21), xenophobic totalitarianism and violent repression (lines 9-12, 15-16) epitomized by the policy of Ivoirité adopted by Bédié’s government. Blondy then warns about imminent retribution and the irrelevance of eliminating opponents: “The stick might hit them back / Breaking the thermometer / Will not reduce a fever” (lines 5-6, 22-23). This was a literal prediction of the fall of Konan Bédié’s government that occurred on December 24, 1999 only a few months after the initial release of Elohim featuring “Dictatorship”. To confirm the relevance of Blondy’s audacious work to the incident, his songs and other reggae songs were aired on many radio stations the day Konan Bédié’s government was overthrown (Akindes 2002: 96). He gave similar warnings in “SOS Guerres Tribales” recorded in 1993 and in “Guerre Civile” (Civil War), stating that monopoly of power by one ethnic group would eventually lead to a civil war.

Lyrics such as “Xenophobic totalitarianism / Will lead to hard times / And with them generalized anger / Your stupid laws bring despair” contain what Bob White appropriately describes as “veiled references to bad leadership and neglect on the part of the elites”. This exposition of abuses by those in power is an implicit plea for leaders to act responsibly (2004:205).

Another focus of Blondy’s social criticism is the Ivorian economy characterized by blatant looting of national treasuries, bureaucratic corruption, fraud, nepotism, and bribery. It is often argued that a government must provide every citizen with economic resources because open access to the economy stands out as the surest way to combat hegemony, exploitation and oppression (Strinati 2004: 139). Consequently, Blondy’s “The Republic’s Robbers – Kleptocracy” makes an open denunciation of the economic mismanagement. “Kleptocracy”, the subtitle of the song, is the combination of ‘kleptomania’ (psychological condition that pushes to steal) and ‘cracy’ (system of government); it qualifies a situation in which stealing is the culture. The title is in fact sufficient to describe the negative features of the parties being criticized.

Whereas the marginalized world of the poor is characterized by material deprivation and daily struggles for survival, it is commonplace for top political figures to illegally amass considerable amounts of wealth: there is no public accountability, and the national treasury is open to greedy leaders whom Blondy likens to “Ali Baba and the forty thieves (line 1).” They shamelessly milk out national resources. These dangerous ass-kissers pose as moralists (lines 2, 4) and swindle people (line 3). They are very cunning and capable of siphoning off milk from a cup of coffee; they are indeed capable of unbelievable tricks to embezzle public funds (line 10). Such unscrupulous leaders are involved in fraudulent deals; they divert funds earmarked for social development to personal uses; and they siphon public funds into foreign accounts. These nefarious acts worsen the socio-economic hardship of the people.

In June of 1999, news of embezzlement of European Union funds and the generally high level of corruption in the country resulted in the dismissal of three government ministers and eighteen civil servants (http://www.iss.co.za - February 5, 2007). Even when socio-economic recovery, anti-corruption and anti-nepotism campaigns are launched, the impact of such efforts is short-lived because the same leaders who institute these laudable programs continue to give themselves untold privileges and benefits, and embezzle public funds. In addition to these activities are the harmful operations of powerful multinational companies that have a stranglehold on the Ivorian economy. However, the people can read between lines; they are aware of the on-going ‘kleptocracy’ (lines 6-9); and they know that ‘compa-rison’ is different from ‘reason’ (line 13). The singer therefore sends a distress call, an S.O.S., to seek deliverance and warn the people to beware of dangerous “Republic’s Robbers (lines 14-15).”

Blondy further denounces the mismanagement of government funds for private gain in “The Devil’s Tail” where he sings about high level of corruption, financial mismanagement, and social inequalities in the country. The result is that the common man experiences hardship because he has few or no resources to procure the basic necessities of life, as the song reveals:

Côte d’Ivoire enjoyed economic expansion and political stability in the 1960s and 1970s. The apparent economic success notwithstanding, a significant percentage of the population lived in poverty. The situation worsened in the early eighties due to the world economic recession, greater competition and falling prices in the global marketplace for primary agricultural crops, namely coffee and cocoa, coupled with economic mismanagement and the influx of immigrants. This socio-economic atmosphere contributed to rising problems of poverty, unemployment, and crime. Simultaneously, white-collar crime—embezzlement, fraud, and misappropriation of funds—rose at a faster rate, and urban crimes such as robbery and theft generated widespread concern. The leadership did not do enough to solve those numerous problems. The failure to meet the basic needs of citizens and ensure socio-economic justice certainly contributed to the current crisis in Côte d’Ivoire (Baradat 2000: 285).

Since presidents are ‘busy’ drinking champagne and eating caviar in irrelevant meetings (lines 12-14) and pretend to be looking for solutions to socio-economic problems, Blondy sarcastically seeks their indulgence to offer some suggestions to fight common social evils (lines 2-6). He challenges the leadership to eradicate poverty, to improve the salaries and benefits of all government employees (lines 7-9) who can longer afford the basic necessities of life (food, shelter, and health care) (lines 10, 15-22), and also to declare of their wealth (lines 29-31). “The Devil’s Tail” appeals so urgently to listeners and fans because they can easily identify with the issues raised in the lyrics (lines 10, 15-22), and because of its liberation message, which chants down social injustice, corruption, and exploitation. The song subsequently became a song of protest and resistance (McNee 2002: 232, 240; Akindes 2002: 95).

Another significant track in Elohim is “Take No Prisoner” which deals with ongoing ethno-religious strife and civil wars in parts of the African continent, including Côte d’Ivoire, Sudan, Liberia, and Democratic Congo.

The manipulation of ethnicity and religion by politicians translates into severe rivalries among communities, which sometimes escalate into nationwide violence. The situation was dreadful in countries like Sudan, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Rwanda, Democratic Congo, and Côte d’Ivoire, recently embroiled in civil wars resulting in ethnic genocide and displacement of millions of peoples. These conflicts can be partly attributed to religious and ethnic divides and arbitrary boundaries inherited from colonization. These factors have made Africans to see themselves as enemies. For instance, the animosity that exists between Muslims and Christians can be explained in terms of religious intolerance; ethnic clashes often result from power struggle and regional imbalances; and civil wars may be caused by the international political climate as well as other international economic factors. However, Blondy wonders why warring factions choose to massacre enemy combatants instead of holding them as prisoners of war (lines 1-4, 8-9). What is the African Union (formerly O.A.U.) doing to stop the carnage (line 7)? Instead of working together as a family, merciless soldiers traumatize powerless civilians (lines 10-13).

The song has some relevance to Côte d’Ivoire, Blondy’s beloved country. The Ivorian population is very diverse, comprising of Muslims, Christians, and followers of traditional religions, and immigrants, which various regimes have manipulated for political and economic gains. Up to the mid-eighties, there were ethnic strifes between the ruling Baoulé and the predominantly Bété opposition. Ethnic clashes have also occurred between successful Baoulé farmers and their Bété hosts in the western part of the country. Also, Ivorians have had bad feelings against the growing immigrant population that has populated its coast. Unlike Houphouët-Boigny, who carefully avoided open ethnic conflicts and left access to administrative positions wide-open to immigrants from neighboring countries, Konan Bedié emphasized the concept of Ivoirité, one of the remote causes of the current political turmoil that has catalyzed into rivalry between northerners and southerners (http://www.hrw.org - January 27, 2007).

“Take No Prisoner” is thus a call for the reconciliation and unity of a much-divided continent, a call for religious tolerance and harmony among Africans in general and Ivorians in particular. Ivorians need to work together and live in peace in order to make progress and defeat repressive governments, as Blondy advocates in “Dictatorship”. Beyond the local context, Blondy advocates a global unity of people with divergent faiths and cultures. This suggests a community that transcends geography, history, and language barriers, an evidence of cosmopolitanism that is an undeniable factor in Blondy’s success (McNee 2002: 237).

Nonetheless, given that music is the product of certain socio-cultural, political and historical circumstances whose influences it can hardly escape, and considering the imposture of marketability and profitability upon popular music, extreme care must be taken when studying the subject, especially in a postmodernist culture where increasing attention is paid to commercial aesthetic values at the expense of discourse, integrity and intellectual challenge (Strinati 2004: 3, 99). If any African popular music is solely based on market and profit, and if the production of such music is fuelled by the necessity of partiality in favor of a certain cause, the authenticity and intellectual stimulation of the message become questionable regardless of the quality of the aesthetics.

African leaders are often concerned about musicians who overtly criticize the failures of their governments. As such, they create a climate of fear and suspicion, which subject musicians to their whims (Cloonan 2006: 10). For instance, in the Democratic Republic of Congo, the government has created censorship commissions through which “all music must be passed before being played in public” (Ellis 1989: 323). In Côte d’Ivoire, between 1960 and 1999, government regulations did not favor free speech, and this applied to any music that was critical of the regime (http://www.freemedia.at - January 29, 2007; http://www.ifex.org - January 29, 2007).

Censorship agencies and regulations dictate the lyrics, and obviously impede musicians’ freedom to convey their message without being harassed or arrested. It is not uncommon for ‘uncooperative’ artists to be incarcerated on the grounds of what undemocratic governments call ‘subversion and politicizing the masses’. Several of them, like the late Nigerian singer-composer Fela Anikulapo Kuti and Congolese Tabu-Ley Rochereau, suffer the consequences of their scathing denunciations with arrests, imprisonments and beatings at the hands of the authorities.

Artists are indirectly forced to tone down the content of their music; they write ‘support’ songs praising the merits of those in power in order to avoid government’s wrath, and in order to ensure continued financial and material assistance from the government and other wealthy patrons. That was the trend during Houphouët-Boigny’s presidency when most Ivorian artists22, including those who did not agree with the regime’s policies, sang his praises for career safety, out of prudence, or for presidential monetary gifts distributed in a culture of corruption and obedience. None dared criticize him publicly (Akindes 2002: 92).

Even Blondy, as radical as he is, openly extolled Houphouët-Boigny in his hit “Jah Houphouët parle”(Révolution - 1987), describing him as a Rastaman. He also adapted one of the late autocrat’s speeches “Les chiens aboient”23 released on the Masada album in 1992. Similarly, in December 1994, Blondy organized a memorial in appreciation of Houphouёt-Boigny’s largesse. Indeed, Blondy benefited tremendously from the late president’s generosity, which may have tempered the seriousness of his social criticism then. Blondy was subsequently accused as having compromised his beliefs despite the fact that “Election Koutcha”, on the same album, criticized endemic electoral scheming and corruption in Côte d'Ivoire (Tenaille 2002: 153).

However, Blondy’s audacious songs make such a simplistic condemnation unsustainable: his first hit single, “Brigadier Sabari” (1983), virulently criticizes police brutality in the urban ghettoes of Abidjan, and “Fangandan Kambéleba” (Cocody Rock - 1984) declares his disdain for wealth and indicts the oppressive Ivorian bourgeoisie (McNee 2002: 241). Similarly, Blondy boldly defends journalists in “Journalists in Danger” and openly implicates Burkinabe President Blaise Compaoré in the brutal murder of Thomas Sankara. In 1996, after the demise of Houphouёt-Boigny, Blondy, himself a fearless Northerner, chastised Konan Bédié’s witch-hunt against the predominantly Muslim Northerners and opposition leaders. Blondy’s criticism of the Konan Bédié government was so virulent that Elohim was originally banned in 1999. Obviously, Blondy knows how to negotiate the contradictions of his trade in a way that official acceptance does not undercut the oppositional power of his music to resist (ibid, 239). His social criticism, when he does it seriously, allows him to speak the truth about life in Côte d’Ivoire while retaining the support of the government (ibid, 231).

Alpha Blondy, Advocate of Social and Economic Justice

Blondy has become the mouthpiece of the poor and the marginalized, a social critic who advocates the inclusion of the excluded in Ivorian social life. His message articulates the pressing issues of contemporary Côte d'Ivoire more eloquently than any political speech or historical treatise (Pongweni 1997: 63-4). Blondy’s music advocates socio-economic and political change that will free the people and give them access to basic human rights and social amenities: justice, freedom, democracy, education, healthcare, and shelter. In practical terms, Blondy’s songs crystallize the communal consciousness and the hopes of Ivorians in particular, and mankind in general; they are very educative and easily attract large heterogeneous audiences, including workers, petty traders, civil servants, drivers, and schoolchildren who desperately need some form of enlightenment (Tenaille 2002: 6). Blondy’s message encourages people to protest against the deteriorating economic and social conditions. It pushes them to act accordingly so that all citizens may enjoy social and economic justice and enhance the quality of their lives (Kirkegaard 2002: 16).

However, social change requires self-determination, commitment, and collective action. Ivorians must have a purpose to change social situations for better and see themselves as the central agents of change. A significant notion of action is found in the third verse of “Journalists in Danger”: “That must stop.” This means that action needs to be taken and it is not going to be an easy struggle because the leaders are invested in the status quo. If the people want all injustices to end someday, they must be ready to make sacrifices and persevere until they are victorious. The people must also shun ethnic and religious divisions in order to organize themselves into a united front to resist all forms of socio-economic and political exploitation. To be victorious, Ivorians must be ready to identify with national interests. They must see themselves as a nation, and their ears must be tuned to the ‘sound of the nation’ that emerges from Blondy’s music, and which narrates social realities including incommensurable experiences of struggle, survival, and victory (Anderson 1991: 6; Bhabha 1990: 302).

Blondy is an important figure in contemporary African music. He has become a “voice for the voiceless and a mouth for the speechless”, a promoter of social justice, and a defender of the oppressed, thanks to a re-appropriation of reggae (Akindes 2002: 86). He uses his voice to contest the prevailing social order and the bluntness with which his discourse presents the ills of the political system makes it a form of protest (McNee 2002: 245). Together with other Ivorian reggae musicians (Fadal Day, Serges Kassy, Tiken Jah Fakoly, and Kush), Blondy uses his socially committed songs in political conscientization and mobilization at key turning points of contemporary Ivorian political history. To a certain extent, his music helped in the 1990 democratic movement for the return to multiparty politics, a constitutional provision that had been ignored since 1957. It significantly contributed to the political demands that led to the overthrow of Konan Bédié in 1999, ending four decades of uninterrupted authoritarian rule. Similarly, it turned against Robert Guéï when the military leader blatantly rigged elections held in October 2000 and declared himself the winner (Akindes 2002: 86-7), and is now critical of Gbagbo’s rule.

Blondy’s music has influenced artists such as Tiken Jah Fakoly who produces passionate reggae music, and Kush who uses poetic expression of Rastafarian faith and wisdom to narrate the current socio-political crises. A few Coupé-Décalé (another Ivoirian urban music genre) artists such as Douk-Saga, DJ Brico, DJ Arsenal, and Papa Ministre, whose genre addresses daily life in Côte d’Ivoire, provides an insight into the political situation of the country, and reflects the aspirations of the Ivorian youth. With approximately 18 albums and 194 titles, Blondy has gained a solid international following. He has built his reputation on several successful albums and on his commitment and ability to fight for peace, justice, and unity.

Given the impact of Blondy’s work which seeks to liberate the oppressed, Elohim is a committed, purpose-driven album that educates, mobilizes and empowers people to make more informed decisions concerning their lives”(Kruger 2004: 156; Strinati 2004: 205). It is a highly effective means of reaching the masses and the lyrics of the songs serve as a countervailing instrument to all forms of social injustice.

Blondy’s audacious criticism contributed tremendously to opening up spaces for all and sundry, including the voiceless and the powerless who can now legitimately occupy non-subaltern positions in the new Ivorian political dispensation (Akindes 2002: 94). As a political critic, he raised the people’s social consciousness. The music of Blondy has significantly helped Ivorians in particular, and Africans in general, in “claiming their rightful place in the never-ending movement of identity construction, of carving out new ways of being and struggle, and of making history” (ibid, 101).

Works Cited

Discography

Alpha Blondy. 1984. Cocody Rock. EMI (Shanachie, 1989).
---------. 1985. Apartheid is Nazism. EMI (Shanachie, 1988).
---------. 1986. Jerusalem. EMI (Shanachie, 1988).
---------. 1987. Révolution. EMI (Shanachie, 1989).
---------. 1992. Massada [CD]. Paris, France: Pathé Marconi.
---------. 1996 Grand Bassam Zion [CD] Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire: Alpha Productions.
---------. 1998 Yitzhak Rabin [CD] Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire: Alpha Productions.
---------. 2000. Elohim [CD]. Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire: Alpha Productions.
---------. 2002. Merci [CD]. Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire: Alpha Productions.
---------. 2005. Akwaba [CD]. Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire: Alpha Productions.
---------. 2006. No Child Soldiers [CD]. Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire: Alpha Productions.

Bibliography

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Notes and References

1 Many thanks to Dr. Willie Tolliver, Associate Professor of English and Program Director of Africana Studies, as well as Dr. Michael Schlig, Associate Professor of Spanish, both at Agnes Scott College, for contributing useful insights based on their varied experiences in the study of popular culture.

2 Scholars such as Simon Akindes (2002), Martin Cloonan (2006), John Collins (1985; 2006), Annemette Kirkegaard (2002), Lisa McNee (2002), Tejumola Olaniyan (2004), Mai Palmberg (2002), and Frank Tenaille (2002) among others have examined various aspects of African popular music, including the relationships among music styles and the role of music in the construction of cosmopolitan cultures and ideologies.

3 Alpha Blondy, born Seydou Koné in Dimbokro, Côte d’Ivoire, hails from the Northern part of the country. This pseudonym literally translated to ‘first bandit’ comes from the combination of the nickname ‘Blondy’, a deformation of the French word ‘bandit’ given to him by his grandmother, and the name ‘Alpha’, the first letter in the Greek alphabet, meaning ‘beginning’ or ‘first’, which he added himself.

4 Côte d'Ivoire, one of the world’s largest producers and exporters of coffee, cocoa beans, and palm oil, and one of the most prosperous of the tropical African states, has maintained close ties to France since independence in 1960. Political turmoil (that has been looming since the December 25, 1999 military coup - the first ever in Côte d'Ivoire's history) sparked rebel and ethnic fighting against the central government in 2002 and disintegrated into a crisis. The central government has yet to exert control over the northern regions and tensions remain high between President Gbagbo and rebel leaders. Rebel forces claimed the northern half of the country, and in January 2003 were granted ministerial positions in a unity government under the auspices of the Linas-Marcoussis Peace Accord. A new presidential election was expected to be held in October, 2005. However, this new election could not be held on time due to delay in preparation and was postponed first to October 2006, and now to October 2007 after an agreement was reached among the rival parties (http://www.cia.gov - December 21, 2006).

5 This album was originally aired for promotional purposes in early 1999, but was banned by the Bédié government. The CD was formally released in 2000. ‘Elohim’, the title of the album, is a common name for ‘God’ in Hebrew. It is usually in the majestic plural, and it symbolizes the indivisibility of the Godhead, i.e. the Holy Trinity comprised of three separate personalities: the Father, the Son and the Spirit. ‘Elohim’ constitutes a powerful choice of word for an artist who is an undaunted advocate for the unity of diverse peoples and cultures.

6 Reggae music holds a prominent place in the hearts and minds of a fairly large contingent of African people, especially the youth. The reasons for this popularity are complex and varied, and can be found in the eclectic background and purpose of reggae. First, Bob Marley became a worldwide superstar in the 1970’s and African youth identified with him. Secondly, Africans can easily relate to the historical, political, social and economic conditions in the black diaspora, notably Jamaica, cradle of reggae. Thirdly, the messages and philosophies of reggae music as a means of protest against neocolonialism, oppression, exploitation, corruption, and material deprivation have potent appeal for the young people in Africa who are eager to identify with a Black, transnational discourse. Fourth, there are significant structural and functional affinities between indigenous African musical forms and reggae (Savishinsky, 22-23).

7 This first single, recorded in the early '80s was an account of a street raid (Opération coup-de-poing) by Abidjan police in which Blondy was nearly beaten to death. The satirical lyrics about police brutality brought him particular popularity across age and social groups.

8 This pilgrimage enabled Alpha Blondy to ‘appreciate in situ the reggae idiom, the art of transmuting the nation’s frustration and social violence into hope and a message of peace’ (Tenaille 2002: 151).

9 Norbert Zongo, the founder and managing editor of L’Indépendant, a weekly paper in Burkina Faso was a staunch advocate of social justice and a keen critique of the Burkinabé government. He and three associates were found dead in a burnt-out vehicle on December 13, 1998. According to the International Freedom of Expression eXchange (IFEX) and International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), there is overwhelming evidence to suggest that Zongo was murdered simply for doing his duty as a journalist. An independent commission of inquiry appointed to find the cause of death of Zongo, concluded that “the motives for the murder are to be found in the investigations the journalist conducted over the years, in particular that into the death of David Ouedraogo, the driver of François Compaoré, who is the president’s advisor and brother.” The report named six “likely suspects” in the murder, all of them members of the presidential security unit (http://www.rsfcanada.org - January 29, 2007; http://www.ifex.org - January 29, 2007).

10 For selected tracts, lyrics in French were translated into English by Eve Hernandez (See CD case), with my modification where necessary. Au clair de la lune mon ami Zongo / Refusa de bâillonner sa plume au Burkina Faso / Et Zongo est mort brûlé par le feu / Que justice soit faite pour l’amour de Dieu // La démocratie du plus fort est toujours la meilleure / C’est comme ça / La démocratie du plus fort est toujours la meilleure / Ça se passe comme ça // Entre le marteau et l'enclume / Les plumes se barricadent derrière leur UNE / La liberté y a laissé des plumes / Journalistes incarcérés... / Journalistes assassinés... / Les voix des sans voix tuées / Tout ça doit changer // Les gouvernants font la pluie et le beau temps / Le peuple meurtri fait semblant d'être content / Une rafale de mitraillette balaya le président / C'est un regrettable accident / Le même rituel sanglant / Autant en emporte le vent / Le sang appelle le sang // Certains chefs d'Etat se prennent pour des rois / Des roitelets plus royalistes que le roi / Ils ont la boulimie du pouvoir [. . . ]

12 Within hours of the death of Houphouёt-Boigny on 7 December 1993, Henri Konan Bédié, then President of the National Assembly, named himself as the successor. For the first time, the nation had to grapple with open, competitive elections. Konan Bédie’s government (1993-1999) was widely considered as corrupt, intolerant and brutal.

13 As President of Burkina Faso (1983-1987), Thomas Sankara undertook major initiatives to eliminate poverty, fight corruption and improve education, health care, agriculture, public transport, income distribution, and women’s status. However, his revolutionary program provoked strong opposition from traditional leaders and the country’s powerful middle class. It also alienated former supporters, including close ally Captain Blaise Compaoré, who had helped carry him to power. These factors led to his downfall and assassination in a bloody coup d'état allegedly organized by Compaoré his second-in-command on October 15, 1987. No official inquiry was held into the murder. Compaoré’s liability in connection with the assassination of Sankara has been the object of the first complaint against Burkina Faso, lodged by the deceased’s widow, Mariam Sankara. In April 2006, the UN Human Rights Committee issued a damning condemnation of Burkina Faso’s failure to investigate the circumstance of Sankara's death and prosecute those responsible for his death (Souaré, October 2006).

15 Diviser pour régner / Diviser pour mieux nous arnaquer / Diviser pour régner / Diviser pour mieux nous entuber // La carotte et le bâton / Attention au retour de bâton / La paix sociale ne peut se conjuguer / Que dans l'unité // Le totalitarisme xénophobe / Mènera à l'adversité / Avec son corollaire de colère généralisée / Toutes les atrocités dans la cité // A vaincre sans péril / On triomphe sans gloire / Vos lois fébriles / Nous poussent au désespoir / Je refuse l'exil / Car Dieu est ma victoire // Ce n'est pas en cassant le thermomètre / Qu'on fera baisser la fièvre [. . . ]

16 Marcel Amondji (2005), author of L’Afrique au mirroir de l’Occident (Africa in the West’s Mirror). Paris: Editions Nouvelles du Sud, 1993, maintains that Houphouët-Boigny ‘invented the famous plot of the black cat, the first of the false plots which he used, between 1959 and 1965, to definitely establish his hegemony’ by imprisoning his country’s elite.

17 Ethnic rivalries were pronounced especially between the ruling Baoulé, who are successful farmers and which Houphouët-Boigny belonged to, and the Bété, who lost much of their fertile land to the Baoulé, and have come to have strange feelings against those successful farmers. Within this context, there were several coup attempts, notably in 1963, and a few Bété clashes, particularly in 1970.

18 The concept of Ivoirité is meant to define who is “a true Ivorian.” It was initiated by President Bédié in response to anxieties caused by mass immigration from neighboring countries and it came to be used by nationalist and xenophobic politics and press to represent solely the population of the southeastern portion of the country. Bedié emphasized the concept of Ivoirité to exclude his rival former Prime Minister Alassane Dramane Ouattara, having only one parent of Ivorian nationality, from running for future presidential election. As people originating from Burkina Faso are a large part of the Ivorian population, this policy excluded many people from Ivorian nationality, and the relationship between various ethnic groups became strained (http://www.hrw.org - January 27, 2007).

19 A presidential election was held in October 2000 in which Laurent Gbagbo vied with Guéï Robert, but it was neither peaceful nor democratic. The lead-up to the election was marked by military and civil unrest. Guéï's attempt to rig the election led to a public uprising, resulting in around 180 deaths and his swift replacement by the election’s likely winner, Gbagbo. On 19 September 2001, disgruntled soldiers from Côte d’Ivoire’s Muslim north staged a mutiny, which precipitated the explosion of deadly violence and active rebellion, effectively splitting in two this nation once noted for its political stability and economic success. Despite the official end of hostilities, civilians continued to suffer on both sides from the breakdown in the rule of law as well as from the economic hardship engendered by the conflict. Since then, the unity government has proven extremely unstable, and the country remains polarized, with a rebel-held north and a government-held south (http://www.hrw.org - January 27, 2007).

20 Ali Baba et les quarante voleurs sont de retour / Et ils s'érigent en donneurs de leçons / Le peuple se fait traire / Par ces dangereux béni-oui-oui / Les voleurs de la république / Le peuple lit entre les lignes / Les gouvernants nous indignent / On n'est pas sorti de l'auberge / Et dans nos têtes ça gamberge / Du café au lait ils sont capables de voler le lait / Les moutons de la république / Ils broutent la république / Comparaison n'est pas raison / SOS, SOS, les voleurs de la république / Ils volent les deniers publics

21 Ils tirent le diable par la queue // Messieurs les présidents... / Excusez-moi du dérangement / Vous voulez combattre la corruption / Je vous propose ma solution / Combattez d´abord la misère / Effacez la misère / Augmentez le salaire des fonctionnaires / Augmentez le salaire des travailleurs / Ils sont dans la galère / Avec leur salaire de misère / Ils vivotent... / Tandis que le gouvernement fait des colloques / (Champagne, caviar) // Comment payer les loyer / Comment payer l´eau, payer l´électricité / Comment payer les médicaments / Et la scolarité des enfants / On dit que les policiers sont corrompus / Avec leur salaire misérable / Ils ont fait ce qu´ils ont pu / Ils survivent de façon exécrable // Les médecins, les ouvriers / Les professeurs, les instituteurs / Même salaire, même galère / Vous voulez vraiment / Combattre la corruption / Je vous propose ma solution / Justifiez d´abord votre fortune / Justifiez la fortune de vos ministres / Alors vous comprendrez notre amertume

22 A good example was the late Bété singer Ernesto Djédjé, the undisputed king of Ziglibithy dance music, who had very close ties with Houphouёt-Boigny. He always sang the late President’s praises in return for the latter’s largesse.

Philip A. Ojo. “Alpha Blondy’s Elohim and the Quest for A New Côte d’Ivoire” West Africa Review: Issue 10, 2007.