WEST AFRICA REVIEW ISSN: 1525-4488 Issue 7 (2005) VALUE OF CHILDREN, CHILD LABOR, AND FERTILITY PREFERENCES IN URBAN NIGERIA

‘Dimeji Togunde and Samantha Newman

Abstract

This paper examines the value of children as perceived by parents and explores the link between child labor and fertility preferences in urban Nigeria. We provide a unique perspective to utilize the Caldwell’s Wealth Flow Theory by considering the connection between current economic benefit of children and parent’s fertility intentions. This is a departure from previous studies that tend to relate future benefit of children at parent’s old age to current or future fertility behavior. Findings indicate that sons are valued for their future patriarchal status and their kinship role in continuing the family name. Daughters are more likely than sons to be relied upon for financial support at old age, and are cherished for their potential roles as future mothers. The results also suggest that labor contribution of children has become a central part of the fertility equation in urban areas. Indeed, a significant proportion of parents had children because of expected labor contribution of those children. Parents wanted more children because of the financial support of current children. Others would expect additional children yet to be born to contribute to the household income. Findings have implications for regulating child labor and fertility in Nigeria.

Introduction

The relatively high but declining fertility levels in most African countries since the 1970s, and the concomitant increase in the population growth in those nations have dominated the attention of demographers seeking to unravel both the socio-economic and cultural determinants of fertility and the consequences of such undesirable population growth rates. Of the various explanations for high fertility, the value of children, especially, their labor contribution towards agricultural production in the rural areas has often been mentioned (Caldwell 1976; 1977; 1982). However, by focusing almost exclusively on the labor utilization of children in rural areas, previous studies have neglected the labor contribution of children as a factor that could influence fertility preferences in urban areas. Therefore, this paper aims to extend our understanding of the inter-relations between children’s work and fertility preferences of parents beyond the rural areas, by documenting whether or not urban parents decided to have their current number of children because of the expected economic contributions of their children to household survival strategies.

The massive rural-urban migration of parents and their children, which typically accompany increased population growth rates in many developing countries, due to desire for improved living conditions, access to job opportunities, and quest for Western or urban life has often led to a backlash, resulting to a large pool of unemployed in urban areas. Furthermore, since the first decade after independence, most African countries have been experiencing weak economic base, galloping inflationary measures, ethnic warfare, ravaging impact of HIV/AIDS, and political instability---all of which have led to an increased proportion of children entering the labor force in order to contribute to the economic sustenance of the family by augmenting the parent’s income.

In addition, the globalization of the economy, particularly with the spread of mobile telecommunications systems that are managed by foreign investors in most African countries such as in Nigeria, has led to increased use of children working in the service sector of the economy as street hawkers of calling cards and mobile telephones. The service-oriented roles of children due to economic globalization in Nigeria, is however, different from what operates in Asia and Latin American countries where children work in garment and electronic industries at cheaper wages in order for employers to maximize profits. Thus, the exploitation and deplorable working conditions of child laborers as well as the danger to their health have led to the huge attention that has been given to child labor in those regions. Since few industry jobs are relocated or established in most African countries due mostly to political instability, child labor is often confined to the household where children work in the bourgeoning informal labor market economy so as to contribute to the household economic survival. But, one issue that remains unexplored is whether or not children’s labor force activities determine or influence parent’s desired fertility, especially in Africa, and Nigeria in particular, where the prevalence rate for children’s work appears to be very high. Previous studies tend to link the desire for high fertility in many African countries to parental expectations of their children’s financial support at old age, especially with the absence of social security programs and formal support for the elderly. While the connection between fertility and the futuristic benefit of children is not in doubt, we will assert that knowledge of how the current economic benefit of children influences the number of additional children wanted by parents is equally important for fertility research. What is the nature and extent of the relationship between children’s work and attitudes toward fertility at a household level in Nigeria? Do parents want additional children because current children are contributing to the household’s income? And if yes, how many more children do parents want? Answers to questions such as these would provide concrete information regarding the roles of economic factors on reproductive decision-making processes in a high fertility regime such as Nigeria.

Drawing on a 2002 survey of 1535 parents and their children, our objectives are: (i) to document the value of children as reported by parents in an urban setting of Nigeria and how these vary by gender; (ii) draw out the link between the current economic contribution of children and additional children wanted by parents; and (iii) examine the correlates of additional children wanted, including child labor (measured by children’s time use). In the remainder of this paper, we provide the theoretical framework which includes the review of literature. Next, we discuss the data and methods of analysis. This is followed by the presentation of findings. Finally, the summary and conclusions are discussed.

Theoretical Framework

Fertility is widely explained by a plethora of theories, including biological, cultural, and economic. For instance, biological factors such as age, age at marriage, and fecundity have been found to be related to fertility (Orubuloye 1991; Bailey 1989; Dhindsa 1986). Many studies also cite culture and traditional beliefs as strong influences in child planning and fertility (McDonald 2000; Pearce 2001; Orubuloye 1991; Adamchak and Ntseane 1992; Canagarajah and Nielsen 2001; Mburuga 1986; Batsug, Hortacsu, and Muhammetberdiev 2001). According to the economic theory of fertility, children are treated like commodities in an economic equation. The assumption is that couples are expected to consider the costs and benefits of children before they decide to procreate (Espenshade 1987; Lehrer, Grossbard-Shechtman, and Leasure 1996; Kravdal 2002; Hyatt and Milne 1993; Fapohunda and Poukouta 1997; Levy 1985; Vlassoff 1982; Drenovsky 1994; Bradley 1993). This framework has been useful in explaining low fertility behavior in the advanced countries of the world. In the developing countries, however, there is the future expectation that the children will provide money to their parents (Archer, Kekovole and Khasiani 1993; Bradley 1993; Bastug, Hortacsu and Muhammetberdiev 2001). This is often termed ‘old age security’ and suggests that children who survive their youth will be able to support their parents in old age (Ahn 1995; Friedlander, Okun, and Segal 1999; Bailey 1989). Thus, parents can look at their children as a form of insurance, so if they have more, the better off they will be.

While these theories increase our knowledge of fertility, more of the literature relies heavily upon the Caldwell Wealth Flow Theory to explain the relatively high levels of fertility in less developed societies (Clark, DeVos, and Murty 1987; Kaplan 1994; Adamchak and Ntseane 1992; Oladosu 2001; Drenovsky 1994). This theory states that when the transfer of money flows from the child to the parent, fertility desires are high because parents benefit economically. But when the transfer of money flows from the parent to the child, the cost is to the parents and they decide to have fewer children. While the wealth flow theory has great utility in explaining fertility behavior, some scholars suggest that it either does not apply everywhere or needs to be modified (Mason 1997; Friedlander, Okun, and Segal 1999). Friedlander, Okun, and Segal (1999) argue that not every high fertility country has a child to parent wealth flow, such as the example of the Ivory Coast. These authors suggest the need to be specific when applying this theory without making a broad generalization for all developing countries. Nonetheless, in the interest of a rapidly developing society such as Nigeria, it is our objective to use this theory as our guiding framework. While it has been tested in a myriad of studies (Clark, DeVos, and Murty 1987; Kaplan 1994; Adamchak and Ntseane 1992; Oladosu 2001; Drenovsky 1994; Mason 1997; Friedlander, Okun, and Segal 1999), none have clarified if the theory is to be used in a current situation when a child is young or in a future setting when the parents are old. We want to examine the utility of the Wealth Flow theory under a current economic context and improve upon its explanatory power.

While we have previously acknowledged that children provide future economic support for their parents, there are some non-economic immediate values of children as well. Children can perform domestic chores to improve efficiency of the household (Levy 1985; Marcoux 1994; Munroe, Munroe, and Shimmin 1984; Omideyi 1987). There is often a difference between the value of males and females (Ahn 1995; Blunch, Dar, Kim, and Sasaki 2002; Mason 1997; Kravdal 2002; Bastug, Hortacsu, and Muhammetberdiev 2001). Ahn (1995) found that males were more contributive to the household and Bastug, Hortacsu, and Muhammetberdiev (2001) found that males, specifically in Turkmenistan and Azerbaijan of Central Asia, were often preferred to females. Children are also valued because they improve their parents’ status in the society (Kamuzora 1987; Orubuloye 1987; Okore 1987). Because marriage is an important milestone, children provide direct proof of a couple’s union (Orubuloye 1987). Furthermore, parents often claim that children bring joy and enhance the well-being of the household (Okore 1987; Omideyi 1987).

Surprisingly, most scholars do not include a discussion of both child labor and fertility in the same study. Out of forty-three studies reviewed worldwide, only eight brought out both topics. All of those eight (Kaplan 1994; Ahn 1995; Dhindsa 1986; Vlassoff 1982; Bradley 1993; Levy 1985; Orubuloye 1991; Drenovsky 1994) explained the link between fertility and child labor in rural and/or agricultural settings. Levy (1985) covered both topics in Egypt, but discussed mainly the non-economic household contribution of children. Orubuloye (1991) was the only study to focus on Nigeria, but did so by claiming that children are assets to families in agricultural areas. Drenovsky (1994) made a connection between child labor and its effect on fertility, but mentioned education as a variable through which fertility can be reduced in the generalized setting of Latin America, Asia, and Africa.

In the light of the preceding synthesis, it is evident that previous studies have not examined the relationship between child labor and its connection to additional children wanted by parents, especially in urban areas of Nigeria. In addition, child labor and its relationship to fertility has only been examined in the futuristic sense without consideration that parents could decide to have additional children because of the economic contribution of their children to the current need of the family. Thus, our goal is to explore these issues and shed light on the link between child work-fertility relationships by examining parents’ perception of how child labor influences the demand for additional children. An argument could be made though that child labor and fertility have reciprocal relationship and that there could be a possibility for fertility to have also influenced child labor or even led to child labor in the first place. We will like to provide a counter argument that the possibility for this scenario is very remote. What seems plausible is that a high fertility could have contributed to poverty at the household level, which in turn could induce child labor. Yet, in an attempt to clarify the likelihood of fertility influencing child labor, parents and even children were asked of the reasons for child work. In the paragraph that follows, we provide a summary of the fertility levels as it applies to Nigeria.

Fertility Levels in Nigeria

In the year 2000, Nigeria was ranked as the tenth most populous and fastest growing nation in the world (Weeks 2000). This growth could be occurring because Nigeria has a high rate of both desired and actual fertility (Orubuloye 1991). The 1999 NDHS reported that a Nigerian woman will bear an average of 5.2 children throughout her life. A documented decline has occurred since 1990, when the average number of children per woman was 5.9. Despite the decline, and although the rates in rural Nigeria are higher than urban Nigeria, the levels are still larger than most countries. The desired fertility levels are almost as high as the actual number. For instance, Pritchett (1994) reported that in 1990, the ideal average number of children was 5.8 and the actual amount was 6. Specifically in the Southwest region of Nigeria, Bankole and Feyisetan (2002) reported that the desired rate in 1990 was 5.2 while the actual rate was 5.5. So the question is “can policies to regulate child labor lead to lower levels of fertility in Nigeria”? Any answer (direct or indirect) to this question depends on the extent and proportion of women whose fertility preferences are influenced by the economic contribution of their children.

Data and Method of Analysis

The data used in this paper come from a 2002 survey of child labor in Abeokuta, the capital city of Ogun State, Nigeria. The survey was conducted between the months of May and August by the principal investigator and a team of thirteen trained interviewers who were recent university graduates. Abeokuta is one of the major Yoruba cities located in the South-Western part of Nigeria. The Albion College’s Center for Ethnicity, Gender, and Global Studies, The Center for History and Culture, and an Albion College Faculty Development Grant made this survey interviews possible. Information was obtained using a two-stage, stratified sampling technique. The first stage identified four zones indicated by residential patterns within the city. The four zones were: the elite zone (constituting mainly high income families), the migrant zone (constituting mainly medium to low income migrant workers), the mixed zone (constituting migrant and non-migrant medium to low income workers), and the traditional zone (constituting the city’s indigenous inhabitants). The second stage identified major streets within each zone and systematically selected households on randomly selected streets. Households were interviewed until the quota for a particular zone was reached. By the end of the survey, a total of 1535 households were interviewed. Participants had to meet certain requirements in order to proceed. The head of the household had to be present and willing to participate; if the head of the household was a man, then the wife would also be interviewed. At least one of their children between the ages of eight and fourteen had to be engaged in any income generating activity within or outside the house, and the head of the household had to provide consent for the child to be interviewed. Interviews were carried out separately for the parents and the child.

The data set contains questions relating to the value of children, fertility preferences, and child labor. To fulfill the first objective of this paper, parents (mothers) were asked, “What are the values of a son?” and “What are the values of a daughter?” For the second objective, which addresses the link between child labor and additional children wanted, questions like, “How many more children do you want, considering the earnings of your current children?” and “Did you have your current children because of their anticipated labor?” were asked. Furthermore, questions such as--- “How many persons do you have in your household?”, how many children in your household contribute to the household income?” how many hours per day does a child work?” and “at what age did the child start working?’ and “What type of income-generating activities do children do?”--- aid us in completing the third objective. Information about the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of the respondents was also obtained, such as the parental education, occupation, income, and questions regarding reasons for child labor.

The analysis proceeds by first, examining the descriptive background information of the respondents, both parents and children. Next is the percentage distribution of the respondents showing the link between the value of children and child labor? This is followed by a Correlation analysis between the number of additional children wanted and some variables (the number of children working in the household, the age when the children began working, etc.) which could potentially influence fertility preferences. Finally, we use Chi-square statistical tests to determine if the number of additional children wanted is associated with parental socio-economic status. Results:

Table One presents the background socioeconomic and demographic information about the participants in the survey. The average age of the interviewed child is 12 years old. While a significant proportion (24.3 percent) started working as early as 7 years, the average age is 9 years old. There are slightly more females than males, and most of the children predominantly work in sales at an average of four hours a day, although some work as long as six hours a day. About half of the children reported making more than 2000 Naira per week.

Six people, including four children, make up the average household size. This size is a reflection of a rapidly growing population, more so than in Western societies. Out of the average four children in the household, approximately two children work. A large majority of the respondents live in monogamous (67.4 percent) and nuclear family (73.2 percent) types of households, which is typical of most urban areas in Nigeria. A large majority of the parents (mothers) had a primary education (40.2 percent), and only one out of four had attained a post-secondary educational level. Parents are employed in diverse occupations with 38.6 percent in services and 33 percent in trading. The remaining 28.4 percent hold professional positions by virtue of their high educational levels. Not surprisingly, an overwhelming proportion of households (81 percent) live on an estimated income of #20,000 per month, an indication that child laborers tend to come mostly from poor households.

Table 1: Socioeconomic and Demographic Characteristics of the Respondents

Table Two presents the reported values of sons and daughters to parents. Sons are most valued for their ability to continue the family name and become heads of their own household (53.7 percent). They are also valued, although in lesser magnitude, for their labor contribution (44.7 percent) by assisting parents in business. Surprisingly, barely two percent acknowledged that they their sons would help them financially in old age. The finding about the values of sons is strikingly different than the perceived value of daughters. While old age financial support is still the lowest mentioned value of daughters (16.9 percent), parents still perceive daughters to be more likely to provide that support in the future than sons. In addition, more parents see their daughters as current financial providers (62.8 percent) through their labor support than sons (44.7 percent). This finding implies that the current financial support provided to parents through children’s labor contribution is now considered more important than the old age financial support from children, which is contrary to findings in the literature (Ahn 1995; Friedlander, Okun, and Segal 1999; Bailey 1989). Perhaps this finding reflects the changing nature of the Nigerian society and also the general belief among many parents that it is better to confront present economic challenges than to worry about the future. However, the need to continue the family line/become head of household is more highly revered and praised with a son, while the importance of motherhood is expected of daughters in one out of five respondents. Again, although we recognize that the Nigerian society is in flux with increased levels of education and economic participation in the formal sectors for women, the high proportion of parents who look forward to see their sons wield authority as head of households indicates that Nigeria is still largely a patriarchal society. Thus, it is obvious from these results that parents perceive a gender difference in the value of their children.

Table Two also shows the interview results that connect child labor and additional children wanted by parents. The first question in the table directly asks if the parents had children because of their anticipated labor. As the table shows, only 23 percent said yes. A majority of parents (63.1 percent) agree that even while looking back, they would still have had the same amount of children, but more than one third (36.9 percent) said they would not have had so many. The number who says they regret their number of children could suggest that parents did not anticipate that the economic situation in the country would deteriorate to such an extent that it would impose financial hardships for the family. While this society is a high fertility regime, we will suggest that the state of the economy has induced the “fertility regret.” When asked if the parents want more children, about twenty seven percent of parents claim that they want more children. But when the question was framed in the context of the financial contribution of current children, about one in five parents say they want more. One possible reason for the lower proportion of parents who wanted more because of the financial support of current children (21.9 percent) compared to those who just wanted more (26.8 percent) is that some parents might have felt ashamed to admit that they wanted more because of children’s economic assistance. This little disparity, notwithstanding, it is clear with this finding that strong evidence has been provided in this study to link children’s current financial support with parent’s reproductive intentions. Furthermore, this line of reasoning is corroborated by some parents (13.1 percent) who would even expect their future children to contribute to the household income.

Because we are cognizant of the possibility that fertility could lead to child labor, parents and children were asked of the reasons why children are working. About ninety percent of parents justify their children’s work by stating that it helps the family financially whereas only sixty six percent of children claim they work in order to make additional money for their parents (for food, or for education). These findings imply that child labor is mostly induced by economic need in the household. Parents and children also mentioned that children’s labor provides important training for future occupations, although a higher proportion of children (34.4 percent) than the parents (10.1 percent) appreciate the socialization function of child labor. It suffices then to emphasize that both the high levels of response from parents and children suggest that the money earned from child labor is a crucial part of the household survival. Clearly, fertility is not directly mentioned by either parents or children as one of the factors leading to child labor. As such, in this paper, we want to dispel the likelihood that child labor is influenced by fertility. Instead, according to our evidence, fertility is influenced by child labor. Furthermore, the point needs to be made that because of the authority structure in Nigeria, there is a possibility to assume that parents are automatically the employers, and therefore all children would hand over their incomes to parents. Further analysis of our data reveals that an overwhelming majority of children in this survey (84.8 percent) hand over the money they earn to their parents while the remaining 15.2 percent keep and spend their earnings. Thus, the fact that a large majority of Nigerian children surrender their incomes to their parents contrast sharply to the practice in the Western societies, where children who do paper routes or fruit picking tend to wield control over their earnings rather than contributing their income to the family pool.

Table 2: Value of Children and the Link Between Child Labor and Additional Children Wanted

Table Three shows the correlation between the number of additional children wanted and various characteristics of parents and children, including child labor (measured by child’s hours of work). The number of children currently working in the household is significantly and positively correlated with additional children wanted. This implies that the financial benefit derived from children’s work becomes an impetus for parents to desire additional children. Additionally, both the size of the household and current number of children is significantly and positively related to additional children wanted by parents. Age at marriage shows a weak positive relationship, albeit not significant. Not surprisingly, however, the age of the mother is negatively correlated with the number of additional children wanted and this relationship is significant. This finding lends credence to the fertility literature that those younger mothers within the reproductive child bearing age are more likely to want additional children than older ones. The fact the child’s hours of work is positively correlated with the number of additional children wanted seems to suggest that children who work longer hours make greater contribution to the financial need of the household, which invariably encourages parents to desire more children. As expected, the earlier the age when the child began working, the more likely that parents would want additional children. An explanation for this is that those children who started working at an earlier age might have garnered a lot of experience and might have also cultivated a job mentality that seems to impress their parents to desire more of them who could supplement the parent’s income for household survival.

Table 3: Correlates of Additional Children Wanted by Parents because of Economic Contribution of Current Children

Since other factors such as the socio-economic characteristics of the parents are measured as discrete or categorical variables, they could not be included as part of the correlation analysis done in Table Three. Instead, we employed Chi-square analysis, which is very suitable for examining the relationship between two categorical variables. As such, Table Four shows a bivariate analysis of how these varied parental socio-economic factors are associated with additional children wanted or not wanted. As income increases, the percent of parents who wanted more children decreases monotonically. Similarly, there is a decline in the percent of parents who wanted more children as education increases. The sharpest significant difference is noted between those with elementary and post secondary education. There is little difference in the proportion between those with elementary and secondary education. Finally, parents with higher occupational status are less likely to say that they wanted more children. The fact that lower status parents wanted more children reinforces our earlier finding that such fertility preferences could have been driven by the need to utilize the labor contribution of children in order to improve household economic situations.

Table 4: Fertility Preferences According to Parental Socioeconomic Status

* X² tests are significant at P< .05
**X² tests are significant at P< .01

Discussion and Conclusions

This paper examines the value of children as perceived by parents and explores the link between child labor and fertility preferences in urban Nigeria. As mentioned earlier, a common weakness in the previous studies is the neglect of the labor contribution of children as a factor that could influence fertility desires, especially in urban areas. We fill this gap in fertility research by using information obtained directly from 1535 parents and their working children, data that were collected explicitly for understanding fertility-child work relationships. Furthermore, we provide a unique perspective to utilizing the Wealth Flow Theory as an explanation of fertility behavior in the less developed societies by considering the link between current economic benefit of children and parent’s fertility intentions. The practice in previous studies is to relate future benefit of children at parent’s old age to current or future fertility behavior.

Our results regarding the background information of the respondents reveal that although almost one in four children started working as early as age seven, the average age when child work started is nine years. Children work for an average of four hours a day, and most of them come from large households that contain five to nine people, with an average of six per household. On the average, about two children work in each household. As expected, most working children in this urban study come from nuclear and monogamous households but have parents with lower socio-economic statuses. Furthermore, parents tend to value greatly the current financial support that children of both sexes can provide. Consistent with previous studies, children, especially sons are also valued for their future patriarchal status and their kinship role in continuing the family name. Daughters are more likely than sons to be relied upon for financial support at old age, and are cherished for their potential roles as future mothers.

In many respects, the child labor-fertility connections revealed in this study are compelling; with a significant proportion of parents (23 percent) saying they had children because of expected labor contribution of those children. Furthermore, about the same proportion of parents wanted more children because of the financial support of current children. A considerable proportion of parents would also expect additional children yet to be born to contribute to the household income. And on the average, about two children are wanted more by parents who are still biologically capable of having children. With these findings, we believe that we have made an important contribution to child labor research by bringing the child labor-fertility link to the fore front of demographic research.

Until now, fertility research in Africa has always been dominated by socio-cultural explanations, with little or no credit given to household’s decision to maximize the wealth of household members, including children, especially when confronted with economic hardships. Even though fertility is declining but still relatively high in Nigeria, and some people may question whether or not parents actually consider the economic benefit of children in their fertility decisions. The findings in this study should reinforce our arguments that nowadays, considering the economic realities in Nigeria, the labor utilization of children has become a central part of the fertility equation in urban areas. Based on interviews and consequently, our findings, we affirm that child labor does influence reproductive decision-making processes. Indeed, decisions about current number of children as well as additional number of children wanted by parents are determined in part, by the current economic contributions of children to the household survival strategies. Hence, unlike previous studies that tend to solely link the desire for high fertility in many African countries to parental expectations of children’s financial support at old age, our findings have uncovered the fact that parental fertility desires are also influenced by current financial contribution of children, especially in urban areas.

Not surprisingly, our results further demonstrate that higher socio-economic status parents are less likely than their counterparts of lower socio-economic status to demand additional children because of the economic contribution of current children. Based on this finding, the conjecture is that as Nigeria continues to modernize and experience significant improvements in education, employment opportunities (especially for women), and income, use of child labor would decline, and possibly the demand for children could decline as well. We will conclude that since the cost of childrearing is now a concern in Nigeria, economic rationalization is beginning to influence reproductive decisions--leading some to express “fertility regret” and others, who value large family size to utilize the labor of their children in order to augment household income. Yet we are aware of the negative effects of child labor for children’s human capital development such as education. For instance, studies have found that child labor is detrimental to children’s education by increasing lateness to school, reducing attendances, and leads to a reduction in time to study (Togunde, 2005; Beegle et al. 2005; Akabayashi and Psacharopoulos 1999). These negative consequences propel many scholars to advocate for the eradication of child labor, an issue that would be difficult to enforce in a country like Nigeria where many households depend on the supplementary income provided by children.

Finally, while it may not be possible to generalize our results for the whole of Nigeria, nevertheless, since the urban survey location shares common reproductive values, child rearing practices, household survival strategies, and economic systems with other Yoruba cities in the South-Western Nigeria, it seems logical to generalize the findings only for the Yoruba society. As a step forward, we implore scholars to not only replicate our novel study in different urban settings in Nigeria and in other African countries, using larger sample sizes, but also to consider other issues not covered in this study such as the possibility of ethnic variations in child labor-fertility connections. In addition, a larger study can be developed so as to ensure that parental socio-economic variables (such as parental education and income) are measured numerically so as to determine their correlations with the number of additional children wanted.

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Citation Format:

‘Dimeji Togunde and Samantha Newman. “Value of Children, Child Labot, and Fertility Preferences in Urban Nigeria,” West Africa Review: Issue 7, 2005.

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